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Irish varies from dialect to dialect; there is no standard pronunciation of . Therefore, this article focuses on phenomena shared by most or all dialects, and on the major differences among the dialects. Detailed discussion of the dialects can be found in the specific articles: , , and .

Irish phonology has been studied as a discipline since the late 19th century, with numerous researchers publishing descriptive accounts of dialects from all regions where the language is spoken. More recently, Irish phonology has been a focus of theoretical linguists.

One of the most important aspects of Irish phonology is that almost all (except ) come in pairs, a "broad" and a "slender" pronunciation. Broad consonants are either (◌ˠ; back of tongue is pulled back and slightly up in the direction of the during articulation) or simply (for example, ). Slender consonants are palatalized (◌ʲ; tongue pushed up towards the during articulation). The contrast between broad and slender consonants is crucial in Irish, because the meaning of a word can change if a broad consonant is substituted for a slender consonant or vice versa. For example, the only difference in pronunciation between the words bó ('cow') and beo ('alive') is that bó is pronounced with broad , while beo is pronounced with slender . The contrast between broad and slender consonants plays a critical role not only in distinguishing the individual consonants themselves, but also in the pronunciation of the surrounding , in the determination of which consonants can stand next to each other, and in the behaviour of words that begin with a vowel. This broad/slender distinction is similar to the hard/soft one of several , like .

Irish shares a number of phonological characteristics with its nearest linguistic relatives, and , as well as with , which it currently has the most with.


History of the discipline
Until the end of the 19th century, linguistic discussions of Irish focused either on the traditional grammar (issues like the of nouns, verbs and adjectives) or on the historical development of sounds from Proto-Indo-European through to . The first descriptive analysis of the phonology of an Irish dialect was , which was based on the author's fieldwork in the . This was followed by , a phonetic description of the dialect of Meenawannia near , County Donegal. is predominantly a historical account, but has some description of modern dialects as well. published early descriptions of dialects ( and for the village of Torr in , , and for the now extinct dialect of South ). The dialect of on the in Munster was described by . From 1944 to 1968 the Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies published a series of monographs, each describing the phonology of one local dialect: for West Muskerry in (, and vicinity), (first published 1945) for in (, , and vicinity), for in County Waterford, for in , for , County Donegal, for in County Mayo. More recent descriptive phonology has been published by for in northern Donegal, for Tangaveane and Commeen (also near Glenties), for in ( and vicinity) and for the , County Kerry.

Research into the theoretical phonology of Irish began with , which follows the principles and practices of Chomsky and Halle's The Sound Pattern of English and which formed the basis of the phonology sections of . Dissertations examining Irish phonology from a theoretical point of view include , in optimality theory, and and in government phonology.


Consonants
Most dialects of Irish contain at a minimum the consonant shown in the following chart (see International Phonetic Alphabet for an explanation of the symbols). The consonant is neither broad nor slender.

+ Consonant phonemes ! rowspan="2" colspan="2"! colspan="2" ! colspan="2" Coronal ! colspan="2" ! rowspan="2"Glottal


On- and offglides
Broad ( or ) consonants have a noticeable velar offglide (; a very short vowel-like sound) before , which sounds like the English but without . Thus naoi ('nine') and caoi ('way, manner') are pronounced and , respectively. This velar offglide is (pronounced w) after , so buí ('yellow') is pronounced .

Similarly, slender (palatal or palatalised) consonants have a palatal offglide (; like English ) before , e.g. tiubh ('thick') is pronounced .

When a broad consonant follows a front vowel, there is a very short vowel sound (called an onglide) just before the consonant, e.g. díol ('sell') is pronounced . Similarly, when a slender consonant follows a back vowel, there is an onglide before the consonant, e.g. áit ('place') is pronounced ,óil ('drinking' ) is pronounced , meabhair ('understanding') is , and dúinn ('to us') is .

These all are also a feature of certain Slavic languages such as , and a feature of Lithuanian.


Allophones
(written as ) has two basic [[allophone]]s: the labiovelar approximant  and the velarized voiced labiodental fricative . The distribution of these allophones varies from dialect to dialect. In Munster, generally only  is found, and in Ulster generally only  is found. In Connacht,  is found word-initially before vowels (e.g. bhfuil  'is') and  in other positions (e.g. naomh  'saint', fómhar  'autumn', and bhrostaigh  'hurried').
     

The remaining labial fricatives are typically labiodental , but they as well as the fricative allophone of have bilabial allophones in many dialects; the distribution depends partly on environment (bilabials are more likely to be found adjacent to rounded vowels) and partly on the individual speaker.

Most coronals are alveolar, except broad stops and approximants which are typically , and the slender fricative is typically postalveolar . may be realized as alveolo-palatal in a number of dialects, including Tourmakeady, Erris, and Teelin.

may be true palatals  or [[palatovelars|velar consonant]] .
     

has three allophones in most dialects: a palatal approximant  before vowels (except ) and [[syllable]]-finally (e.g. dheas  'nice', beidh  'will be'); a voiced (post)palatal fricative  before consonants (e.g. ghrian  'sun'); and an intermediate sound  (with more frication than  but less frication than ) before  (e.g. dhírigh  'straightened').
     

has the primary allophone , a palatalized postalveolar fricative.
     

In many varieties, and alternate with under a variety of circumstances. For example, as the of and , is replaced by before back vowels, e.g. thabharfainn ('I would give'), sheoil ('drove'). In Munster, becomes after a vowel, e.g. fiche ('twenty'). In Ring, final becomes in monosyllabic words, e.g. scáth ('fear'). In some Ulster varieties, e.g. , can be replaced by , e.g. cha ('not'), be deleted word-finally or before , e.g. santach ('greedy') and seacht ('seven').

As in , voiceless stops are aspirated (articulated with a puff of air immediately upon release) at the start of a word, while voiced stops may be incompletely voiced but are never aspirated. Voiceless are unaspirated after and (e.g. scanradh 'terror'); however, stops remain aspirated after the is (e.g. is cam 'it's crooked'). Several researchers (e.g. , , , , and ) use transcriptions like , etc., indicating they consider the stops that occur after voiceless fricatives to be devoiced allophones of the voiced stops rather than unaspirated allophones of the voiceless stops, but this is a minority view.


Fortis and lenis sonorants
In , the (those spelled ) were divided not only into broad and slender types, but also into fortis and lenis types. The precise phonetic definition of these terms is somewhat vague, but the coronal fortis sounds (spelled ) were probably longer in duration and may have had a larger area of contact between the tongue and the roof of the mouth than the lenis sounds. Fortis was probably a normal , while lenis was a nasalized semivowel , perhaps tending towards a nasalized fricative or when palatalized. By convention, the fortis coronals are transcribed with small capital letters or , the lenis with lower case (some authors, such as , instead use Latin for fortis and Greek for lenis). Thus Old Irish had four phonemes , four lateral phonemes , and four coronal phonemes . Fortis and lenis sonorants contrasted with each other between vowels and word-finally after vowels in Old Irish, e.g. berraid ('he shears') vs. beraid ('he may carry'); coll ('hazel') vs. col ('sin'); sonn ('stake') vs. son ('sound'). Word-initially, only the fortis sounds were found, but they became lenis in environments where morphosyntactically triggered lenition was found: rún ('mystery') vs. a rún ('his mystery'), lón ('provision') vs. a lón ('his provision').

In the modern language, the four rhotics have been reduced to two in all dialects, having merged as . For the laterals and nasals, some dialects have kept all four distinct, while others have reduced them to three or two distinct phonemes, as summarized in the following table.

word-initially
elsewhere
Note: and are alveolo-palatal consonants.

As for fortis and lenis , in time the lenis version (nasalized semivowel or labial fricative) came to be pronounced as a regular semivowel or fricative along with nasalization of the preceding vowel. The later loss of between vowels has resulted in phonemically nasalized vowels in some modern dialects (see below), but these are not robustly maintained in any dialect; the strong tendency is to eliminate the nasalization entirely. The original nasalized semivowel is still reflected as in the spelling, however.


Vowels
The sounds vary from dialect to dialect, but in general Connacht and Munster at least agree in having the , , , , , , , , , , and (), which is found only in unstressed syllables; and the , , , and .

The vowels of are more divergent and are not discussed in this article.


Vowel backness
The of vowels (that is, the horizontal position of the highest point of the tongue) depends to a great extent on the quality (broad or slender) of adjacent consonants. Some researchers (e.g. , , ) have argued that and are actually allophones of the same phoneme, as are and , as in a vertical vowel system. Under this view, these phonemes are not marked at an abstract level as either or . Rather, they acquire a specification for frontness or backness from the consonants around them. In this article, however, the more traditional assumption that are four distinct phonemes will be followed. The descriptions of the allophones in this section come from ; the pronunciations therefore reflect the Munster accent of the . Unless otherwise noted, however, they largely hold for other Munster and Connacht accents as well.


Close vowels
The four phonemes of Irish are the fully close and , and the and . Their exact pronunciation depends on the quality of the surrounding consonants. is realized as a between two slender consonants (e.g. tír 'country'). Between a slender and a broad consonant, the tongue is retracted slightly from this position (for which the IPA symbol is ), e.g. díol ('sale'), caoire ('berry' gen.). Between two broad consonants, the tongue is retracted even further, almost to the point of being a (in IPA, ): caora ('sheep'). is a fully back between broad consonants (e.g. dún 'fort'), but between a broad and a slender consonant, the tongue is somewhat advanced (IPA ), e.g. triúr ('three people'), súil ('eye'). Between two slender consonants, it is advanced even further, to a centralized vowel (IPA ): ciúin ('quiet').

The near-close vowels and show a similar pattern. is realized between slender consonants as a front , e.g. tigh ('house' ). After a slender consonant and before a broad one, it is a , e.g. giota ('piece'). After a broad consonant and before a slender one, it is a more retracted , e.g. tuigeann ('understands'). Finally, between two broad consonants it is a central , e.g. goirt ('salty'). is a when all adjacent consonants are broad, e.g. dubh ('black'), and a more centralized after a slender consonant, e.g. giobal ('rag').


Mid vowels
The realization of the long and varies according to the quality of the surrounding consonants. is a front between two slender consonants (e.g. béic 'yell'), a centralized between a broad and a slender consonant (e.g. glaoigh 'call'), and a more open centralized between two broad consonants (e.g. baol 'danger'). ranges from a back between two broad consonants (e.g. fód 'turf') to an advanced between a broad and a slender consonant (e.g. fóid 'turf' gen.) to a centralized between two slender consonants (e.g. ceoil 'music' gen.).

The short also vary depending on their environment. Short ranges from a front between slender consonants (e.g. beidh 'will be') to a retracted between a broad and a slender consonant (e.g. bead 'I will be', raibh 'was') to a central when the only adjacent consonant is broad (e.g. croich 'cross' dat.). Short between two broad consonants is usually a back , e.g. cloch ('stone'), but it is a centralized adjacent to and , e.g. ansan ('there') and bog ('soft'). Between a broad and a slender consonant, it is a more open : scoil ('school'), deoch ('drink').


Schwa
Unstressed is realized as a near-close, near-front when adjacent to a palatal consonant, e.g. píce ('pike'). Next to other slender consonants, it is a mid-centralized , e.g. sáile ('salt water'). Adjacent to broad consonants, it is usually a mid central , e.g. eolas ('information'), but when the preceding syllable contains one of the close back vowels , it is realized as a mid-centralized back , e.g. dúnadh ('closing'), muca ('pigs').


Open vowels
The realization of the varies according to the quality of the surrounding consonants; there is a significant difference between Munster dialects and Connacht dialects as well. In Munster, long and short have approximately the same range of realization: both vowels are relatively back in contact with broad consonants and relatively front in contact with slender consonants. Specifically, long in word-initial position and after broad consonants is a back , e.g. áit ('place'), trá ('beach'). Between a slender and a broad consonant, it is a retracted front , e.g. gearrfaidh ('will cut'), while between two slender consonants it is a fully front , e.g. a Sheáin ('John' ). In Dingle, the back allophone is rounded to after broad labials, e.g. bán ('white'), while in Ring, County Waterford, rounded is the usual realization of in all contexts except between slender consonants, where it is a centralized . Short between two slender consonants is a front , as in gairid ('short'). Between a broad and a slender consonant, it is in most cases a retracted , e.g. fear ('man'), and caite ('worn'), but after broad labials and it is a centralized front , e.g. baile ('town'), loit ('injure'). When it is adjacent only to broad consonants, it is a centralized back , e.g. mac ('son'), abair ('say').

In Connacht varieties, the allophones of short are consistently further front than the allophones of long . In Erris, for example, short ranges from a near-open front vowel before slender consonants (e.g. sail 'earwax') to an open after slender consonants (e.g. geal 'bright') to a centralized back between broad consonants (e.g. capall 'horse'). Long , on the other hand, ranges from a back between broad consonants (e.g. bád 'boat') to an advanced back before slender consonants (e.g. fáil 'to get') to a centralized back after slender consonants (e.g. breá 'fine'). In , the back allophone is rounded to after broad labials, e.g. bán ('white'). In Connemara, the allophones of are lengthened in duration, so that only vowel quality distinguishes the allophones of from those of .


Diphthongs
The starting point of ranges from a near-open central after broad consonants to an open-mid centralized front after slender consonants, and its end point ranges from a near-close near-front before slender consonants to a centralized before broad consonants. Examples include cladhaire ('rogue'), gadhar ('dog'), cill ('church'), and leigheas ('cure').

The starting point of ranges from a near-open central after broad consonants to an open-mid advanced central after slender consonants, and its end point ranges from a near-close near-back before broad consonants to a centralized before slender consonants.. Examples include bodhar ('deaf'), feabhas ('improvement'), labhairt ('speak'), and meabhair ('memory'). In West Muskerry and the Dingle Peninsula, however, the starting point of is rounded and further back after broad consonants, e.g. gabhar ('goat').

The starting point of ranges from a close front after slender consonants to a retracted after word-initial broad (the only context in which it appears after a broad consonant). Its end point ranges from a mid central before broad consonants to a close-mid centralized front before slender consonants. Examples include ciall ('sense'), riamh ('ever'), and diabhail ('devils').

The starting point of is consistently a close back while the end point ranges from to : thuas ('above'), uan ('lamb'), buail ('strike').


Nasalized vowels
In general, vowels in Irish are when adjacent to . For some speakers, there are reported to be between and oral vowels, indicating that nasal vowels are also separate phonemes; these generally result from an earlier nasalized semivowel (historically the lenited version of ), that has since been lost. However, the contrast is not robust in any dialect; most published descriptions say that contrastively nasal vowels are present in the speech of only some (usually older) speakers. Potential minimal pairs include those shown in the table below.

'yarn'
'luck'
'righteous'
'hound'
'two people'
'limit'
'day'
'generous'
'washing'
'saying'

In addition, where a vowel is nasalized because it is adjacent to a nasal consonant, it often retains its nasalization in related forms where the consonant is no longer nasal. For example, the nasal of máthair ('mother') is replaced by nonnasal in the phrase a mháthair ('his mother'), but the vowel remains nasalized. Similarly, in sneachta ('snow') the vowel after the is nasalized, while in an tsneachta ('the snow' gen.), the is replaced by in some northern dialects, but the nasalized vowel remains.


Phonotactics
The most notable aspects of Irish revolve around the behaviour of consonant clusters. Here it is important to distinguish between clusters that occur at the beginnings of words and those that occur after vowels, although there is overlap between the two groups.


Word-initial consonant clusters
Irish words can begin with clusters of two or three consonants. In general, all the consonants in a cluster agree in their quality, i.e. either all are broad or all are slender. Two-consonant clusters consist of an obstruent consonant followed by a or (however, labial obstruents may not be followed by a nasal); examples (from ) include bleán ('milking'), breá ('fine'), cnaipe ('button'), dlí ('law'), gnáth ('usual'), pleidhce ('idiot'), slios ('slice'), sneachta ('snow'), tlúth ('poker'), and tnúth ('long for'). In addition, and may be followed by a voiceless stop, as in sparán ('purse') and scéal ('story'). Further, the cluster occurs in the word mná ('women') and a few forms related to it. Three-consonant clusters consist of or plus a voiceless stop plus a liquid. Examples include scliúchas ('rumpus'), scread ('scream'), splanc ('flash'), spraoi ('fun'), and stríoc ('streak').

One exception to quality agreement is that broad is found before slender labials (and for some speakers in Connemara and Dingle before as well). Examples include: sméara ('berries'), speal ('scythe'), spleách ('dependent'), spreag ('inspire'), and scéal ('story').

In the environment of an initial consonant mutation, there is a much wider range of possible onset clusters; for example, in a lenition environment the following occur: bhlas ('tasted'), bhris ('broke'), chleacht ('practiced'), chrom ('bent'), ghreamaigh ('stuck'), ghníomhaigh ('acted'), shleamhnaigh ('slipped'), shnámh ('swam'), shroich ('reached'). In an eclipsis environment, the following are found: mbláth ('flower'), mbliana ('years'), mbrisfeá ('you would break'), ndlúth ('warp'), ndroichead ('bridge'), ndréimire ('ladder'), ngléasfá ('you would dress'), ngreadfá ('you would leave'), ngníomhófá ('you would act').

In Donegal, Mayo, and Connemara dialects (but not usually on the Aran Islands), the coronal nasals can follow only respectively in a word-initial cluster. After other consonants, they are replaced by : cnoc ('hill'), mná ('women'), gnaoi ('liking'), tnúth ('long for').

Under lenition, become as expected in these dialects, but after the definite article an they become : sneachta ('snow'), shneachta ('snow' lenited), an tsneachta ('the snow' gen.).


Post-vocalic consonant clusters and epenthesis
Like word-initial consonant clusters, post-vocalic consonant clusters usually agree in broad or slender quality. The only exception here is that broad , not slender , appears before the slender coronals : beirt ('two people'), ceird ('trade'), doirse ('doors'), doirnín ('handle'), comhairle ('advice').

A cluster of , , or followed by a labial or dorsal consonant (except the voiceless stops , ) is broken up by an vowel : borb ('abrupt'), gorm ('blue'), dearmad ('mistake'), dearfa ('certain'), seirbhís ('service'), fearg ('anger'), dorcha ('dark'), dalba ('bold'), colm ('dove'), soilbhir ('pleasant'), gealbhan ('sparrow'), binb ('venom'), Banbha, (a name for Ireland), ainm ('name'), meanma ('mind'), ainmhí ('animal').

There is no epenthesis, however, if the vowel preceding the cluster is long or a diphthong: fáirbre ('wrinkle'), téarma ('term'), léargas ('insight'), dualgas ('duty'). There is also no epenthesis into words that are at least three syllables long: firmimint ('firmament'), smiolgadán ('throat'), caisearbhán ('dandelion'), Cairmilíteach ('Carmelite').


Phonological processes

Vowel-initial words
Vowel-initial words in Irish exhibit behaviour that has led linguists to suggest that the vowel sound they begin with on the surface is not actually the first sound in the word at a more abstract level. Specifically, when a clitic ending in a consonant precedes a word beginning with the vowel, the consonant of the clitic surfaces as either broad or slender, depending on the specific word in question. For example, the of the an ('the') is slender before the word iontais ('wonder') but broad before the word aois ('age'):an iontais ('the wonder' gen.) vs. an aois ('the age').

One analysis of these facts is that vowel-initial words actually begin, at an abstract level of representation, with a kind of "empty" consonant that consists of nothing except the information "broad" or "slender". Another analysis is that vowel-initial words, again at an abstract level, all begin with one of two , one triggering palatalization and the other triggering velarization of a preceding consonant.


Lengthening before fortis sonorants
Where reflexes of the Old Irish fortis sonorants appear in syllable-final position (in some cases, only in word-final position), they trigger a lengthening or diphthongization of the preceding vowel in most dialects of Irish. The details vary from dialect to dialect.

In Donegal and Mayo, lengthening is found only before , before (except when a vowel follows), and in a few words also before word-final , e.g. barr ('top'), ard ('tall'), orlach ('inch'), tuirne ('spinning wheel'), thall ('yonder').

In Connemara, the Aran Islands, and Munster, lengthening is found generally not only in the environments listed above, but also before (unless a vowel follows) and before word-final . For example, the word poll ('hole') is pronounced in all of these regions, while greim ('grip') is pronounced in Connemara and Aran and in Munster.

Because vowels behave differently before broad sonorants than before slender ones in many cases, and because there is generally no lengthening (except by analogy) when the sonorants are followed by a vowel, there is a variety of vowel alternations between different related word-forms. For example, in Dingle ceann ('head') is pronounced with a diphthong, but cinn (the singular of the same word) is pronounced with a long vowel, while ceanna (the plural, meaning 'heads') is pronounced with a short vowel.

This lengthening has received a number of different explanations within the context of theoretical phonology. All accounts agree that some property of the fortis sonorant is being transferred to the preceding vowel, but the details about what property that is vary from researcher to researcher. also repeated in argue that the fortis sonorant is (a term only vaguely defined phonetically) and that this tenseness is transferred to the vowel, where it is realized phonetically as vowel length and/or diphthongization. argues that the triggering consonant is underlyingly associated with a unit of called a mora; this mora then shifts to the vowel, creating a long vowel or a diphthong. expands on that analysis to argue that the fortis sonorants have an advanced tongue root (that is, the bottom of the tongue is pushed upward during articulation of the consonant) and that diphthongization is an articulatory effect of this tongue movement.


Devoicing
Where a voiced or comes into contact with , the is absorbed into the other sound, which then becomes voiceless (in the case of , devoicing is to ). Devoicing is found most prominently in the of first conjugation verbs (where is spelled ) and in the formation of (where is spelled ). For example, the verb scuab ('sweep') ends in the voiced consonant , but its future tense scuabfaidh ('will sweep') and verbal adjective scuabtha ('swept') have the voiceless consonant .


Sandhi
Irish exhibits a number of external effects, i.e. phonological changes across word boundaries, particularly in rapid speech. The most common type of sandhi in Irish is assimilation, which means that a sound changes its pronunciation in order to become more similar to an adjacent sound. One type of assimilation in Irish is found when a coronal consonant () changes from being broad to being slender before a word that begins with a slender coronal consonant and vice versa. For example, feall ('deceive') ends with a broad , but in the phrase d'fheall sé orm ('it deceived me'), the has become slender because the following word, sé, starts with a slender coronal consonant.

may also assimilate to the place of articulation of a following consonant, becoming labial before a labial consonant, palatal before a palatal consonant, and velar before a velar consonant. For example,  of ceann  ('one') becomes  in ceann bacach  ('a lame one') and  in ceann carrach  ('a scabbed one'). A voiced consonant at the end of a word may devoice when the next word begins with a voiceless consonant, as in lúb sé  ('he bent'), where  of lúb  ('bent') became  before the voiceless  of sé.
     


Stress

General facts of stress placement
In Irish, words normally have only one stressed syllable (ˈ◌), namely the first syllable of the word, e.g. d'imigh ('left' verb) and easonóir ('dishonor'). However, certain words, especially and , have stress on a noninitial syllable, e.g. amháin ('only'), tobac ('tobacco').

In most compound words, primary stress falls on the first member and a (ˌ◌) falls on the second member, e.g. lagphortach ('spent bog'). Some compounds, however, have primary stress on both the first and the second member, e.g. deargbhréag ('a terrible lie').

In Munster, stress is attracted to a long vowel or diphthong in the second or third syllable of a word, e.g. cailín ('girl'), achainí ('request'). In the now-extinct accent of East Mayo, stress was attracted to a long vowel or diphthong in the same way as in Munster; in addition, stress was attracted to a short vowel before word-final when that word was also final in its utterance. For example, capall ('horse') was pronounced in isolation or as the last word of a sentence, but as in the middle of a sentence.

In Munster, stress is attracted to in the second syllable of a word if it is followed by , provided the first syllable (and third syllable, if there is one) contains a short vowel. Examples include bacach ('lame') and slisneacha ('chips'). However, if the first or third syllable contains a long vowel or diphthong, stress is attracted to that syllable instead, and the before is reduced to as normal, e.g. éisteacht ('listen'), moltachán ('wether').


The nature of unstressed vowels
In general, short vowels are all reduced to () in unstressed syllables, but there are exceptions. In Munster, if the third syllable of a word is stressed and the preceding two syllables are short, the first of the two unstressed syllables is not reduced to ; instead it receives a secondary stress, e.g. spealadóir ('scythe-man'). Also in Munster, an unstressed short vowel is not reduced to if the following syllable contains a stressed or , e.g. ealaí ('art'), bailiú ('gather'). In Ulster, long vowels in unstressed syllables are shortened but are not reduced to , e.g. cailín ('girl'), galún ('gallon'). In Ulster, unstressed before is not reduced to , e.g. eallach ('cattle').


Samples
The following table shows some sample sentences from the Aran dialect.
Bhí sé ag amharc amach as an bhfuinneog nuair a bhí mise ag dul thart.He was looking out the window when I went past.
He wouldn't see a hole through a ladder (i.e. he's very near-sighted).
I am wet through and through.
He took a large stone and he threw it against the window.
He came in in a rage.
―Did you pay much for the turf?
―We certainly did, considering how little there is of it.
I come there every day but often I'm not very welcome.
I have heard tell that we'll have a wet summer this year, but it seems to me that that story is strange.
Are the potatoes as good as he said?
The Irish spoken in Munster isn't the same as our Irish.

The first eight chapters of Peadar Ua Laoghaire's autobiography at include recordings of the text being read by a native speaker of Muskerry (Munster) Irish.


Comparison with other languages

Scottish Gaelic and Manx
Many of the phonological processes found in Irish are found also in its nearest relatives, and . For example, both languages contrast "broad" and "slender" consonants, but only at the coronal and dorsal places of articulation; both Scottish Gaelic and Manx have lost the distinction in labial consonants. The change of etc. to etc. is found in Manx and most dialects of Scottish Gaelic. Evidence from written manuscripts suggests it had begun in Scottish Gaelic as early as the 16th century and was well established in both Scottish Gaelic and Manx by the late 17th to early 18th century. Lengthening or diphthongization of vowels before fortis sonorants is also found in both languages. The stress pattern of Scottish Gaelic is the same as that in Connacht and Ulster Irish, while in Manx, stress is attracted to long vowels and diphthongs in noninitial syllables, but under more restricted conditions than in Munster.

Manx and many dialects of Scottish Gaelic share with Ulster Irish the property of not reducing unstressed to before .


Hiberno-English
Irish pronunciation has had a significant influence on the features of . For example, most of the vowels of Hiberno-English (with the exception of ) correspond to vowel phones of Irish. The Irish stops are common realizations of the English phonemes . Hiberno-English also allows where it is permitted in Irish but excluded in other dialects of English, such as before an (e.g. Haughey ) and at the end of a word (e.g. McGrath ). There is in words like film and form .


See also
  • An Caighdeán Oifigiúil – "The Official Standard", for writing Irish


Notes
  • Scanradh is pronounced as if spelled *; see Irish orthography
  • Goirt is pronounced as if spelled
  • Gairid is pronounced as if spelled
  • Loit is pronounced as if spelled
  • Moltachán is pronounced as if spelled *
  • Thabharfainn is pronounced as if spelled *
  • Amharc is pronounced as if spelled
  • Sibh is pronounced as if spelled
  • Tagaim is pronounced as if spelled
  • Chítear is pronounced as if spelled
  • Féin is pronounced as if spelled
  • Labhraítear is pronounced as if spelled *


Footnotes
  • . Reprinted 1972 by the Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies, .


External links

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